Home – Home – Jornals – Humanitarian sciences in Siberia 2014 number

This article presents the results of recent studies of one of the complexes of the Middle Paleolithic Darvagchay-zaliv-1. Its materials are key to understanding the development of this vast cultural and chronological range for the North-East Caucasus. Lithological study of paleosol encapsulating the archaeological materials allowed to include this complex into a general paleogeography picture of the region. Chronological period of the ancient people being in the region is defined by the episode of Riss-Wurm interglacial oxygen isotope stage 5e. Stone tools are characterized by Levallois technique of splitting and a typical tool-kit of the Middle Paleolithic. Availability of fireplace spots in conjunction with scattered archaeological material over a wide area indicate ancient man’s multiple visits to the third terrace of Caspian Sea. Based on the available data, the authors conclude that despite a large number of famous monuments of the Middle Caucasus and great technical and typological diversity within their groups it is currently impossible to trace any direct analogies among them with materials of the Middle Paleolithic of Gedzhuhs reservoir. This may be due to both the incomplete representation of Dagestan industries consisting of a few materials and to the cultural diversity typical for that time which does not make impossible the existence of the original Middle Paleolithic culture in this territory. Techno- typological features of appearance of the stone industry with pronounced Levallois features allow us to speak about the specific form of the Paleolithic seaside Dagestan.

The article presents stratigraphic descriptions of Tinit-1 - a Paleolithic site in Dagestan. A technological and typological study of lithics from excavations 2 and 3, and results of radiocarbon dating are presented. Sources of raw material and possible economic specialization are also discussed. In 2011-2013 sediments at excavation areas 2 and 3 (measuring 75 sq. m) were excavated to a depth of 5 m. As a result, 7 lithological layers containing 9 culture-bearing horizons were identified. The lithic assemblage obtained in 2011- 2013 includes 660 artifacts. Based on technical and typological features, artifacts from cultural horizons 1-4 were attributed to the Middle/Upper Paleolithic boundary; the assemblages from the underlying horizons - to the terminal Middle Paleolithic. Results of the planigraphic and stratigraphic analyses suggest that artifacts were found in situ and that their planar and vertical movement was minimal. The Tinit-1 techno-complex is characterized by numerous simple flat cores as well as by distinct Levallois flake and point nuclei, and the narrow-faced cores recorded in the lower horizons. At the later stages, along with the evolving Levallois flaking method applied to detached elongated pointed blanks, volumetric parallel flaking was used. This technology was aimed at producing laminar blanks with longitudinal and bidirectional dorsal scar patterns. The tool-kits of all the archaeological horizons are dominated by tools with cutting and scraping edges, which may have been associated with the subsistence activities of the site’s inhabitants. It should be noted that neither bifacial tools, nor tools with signs of bifacial working were found. This feature is not typical of Caucasian sites. Finds from Tinit-1 evidence a transitional Middle to Upper Paleolithic industry (50-35 ka BP). These estimates do not contradict the results of other studies.

Analyses of bone artifacts from Ust-Kyahta-3 site (Western Transbaikal) are presented in this paper. Bone industry is analyzed and compared with chronologically and geographically relevant complexes. The goal of research is to conduct a more accurate chronological attribution of Ust-Kyakhta`s cultural layers. In the territory of Western Transbaikal the developed bone industry first appeared during Early Upper Paleolithic. The maximum development of bone industry was reached at the Pleistocene-Holocene boundary. The specifics of bone industries play an are key in attributing archaeological sites either to Paleolithic or Mesolithic period within the regional schemes of cultural classification. The archaeological site Ust-Kyakhta-3 has absolute dates which associated it with the final Pleistocene, however culturally it was interpreted by A.P. Okladnikov as a Mesolithic site. Collections of bone tools are presented in both occupation layers. The preliminary analysis of lithic collection of both layers indicates an obvious difference between them suggesting that both archaeological layers belong to different stages of Stone Age (final Paleolithic and Mesolithic). Based on the analysis of bone industry from both layers of the Ust-Kyakhta-3 three groups of tools were identified: points, bone shafts (with toothed slots) and fishing hooks. The results show a significant similarity of bone tools from Ust-Kyakhta-3 and tools from other archaeological sites in the Western Transbaikal. Particularly, morphologically stable forms of bone shafts (with toothed slots) and fishing hooks are very similar to the bone items known at Oshurkovo, Ust-Kyakhta-17 and Studenoye-1 (layer 11) sites. As a result of conducted intra-regional comparison, both cultural layers of Ust-Kyakhta-3 were attributed to the Mesolithic epoch.

The Pleistocene deposits with evidence dating as far back as the Middle Palaeolithic have been examined during a recent archaeological study carried out in the East Gallery of Denisova Cave. Excavations yielded a large stone-artifact assemblage to be thoroughly analyzed and introduced into scientific use. This paper presents data resulted from research focused on the basic categories of lithic inventory specifying the techniques of primary flaking in the Middle Paleolithic assemblage recovered from the East Gallery. In the column of loose sediments, which includes as many as 17 stratigraphic units, the Middle Paleolithic material derives from the lithologic layers 15-12. The analysis of core-shaped stones and flakes allowed to conclude that an array of stone artifacts under study has proved to be heterogeneous. Two technologically different complexes can be quite clearly recognized within the Middle Paleolithic assemblage identified in the East Gallery. The first one combining material from layers 15 and 14 can be characterized by primary flaking performed only within the radial system. Thereby, truncated pieces have been found to dominate among flakes, the ratio of flakes with modified overhang of residual striking platform is minimal, blades are lacking. The second one includes evidence from layer 12 revealing mainly such diagnostic techniques as plane-parallel and three-dimensional flaking with elaborately treated cores. Respectively, the proportion of elongated flakes and flakes with modified overhang of residual striking platform tends to increase, as well as the percentage of flakes with the longitudinal unidirectional facets on the dorsal surface. Regularly shaped blades are found. Lithic industry from layer 13 combines the major features of both the first and second complexes and most likely reflects the transient pattern. It is most likely that the major technological differences between the Palaeolithic complexes discussed in this paper demonstrate the process of development within the same cultural phenomenon.

This article is devoted to a comparative analysis of Early Upper Paleolithic complexes from the Tolbor-15 Site in northern Mongolia. These industries fall within a range of 34-28,000 ya established by finite radiocarbon dates. Six lithological and seven artifact-bearing archaeological levels have been identified in the site’s stratigraphy, of which the lower horizons (H 5-7) are associated with the Early Upper Paleolithic. Single-platform and flat-front cores for the production of large blades and bladelets dominate these complexes. Thorn-like tools, thick scrapers, large side-scrapers (skreblos), denticulates and notched implements comprise the majority of the tool-kit. An evolution in the technology of reduction from large prismatic cores for the production of long blades to flat, uni-directional and orthogonal nuclei took place during the period of formation of Horizons 5-7, concomitant with an overall decrease in the dimensions of tools and cores. On the other hand, typologically, the tool-kit didn’t change dramatically during this period, which supports conclusions regarding the evolutionary development of tool-making traditions and their use. The data presented in this article and the wide range of reported assemblages analogous to those from the Tolbor-15 Site make it possible to determine the latter’s place within the spectrum of South Siberian and Central Asian Early Upper Paleolithic industries. The technology associated with the lithic complexes discussed here is very similar to the basic principles of parallel blade percussion known in archaeological collections across the region. In spite of some local peculiarities, the tool-kit also confirms the existence of strong connections between Mongolian industries and complexes in adjacent territories in framing the phenomenon of the initial Upper Paleolithic in South Siberia. The lithic collections from Tolbor-4 and Tolbor-15 exhibit a combination of Early Upper Paleolithic traits shared between the Altai Mountain region and the Trans-Baikal as well as local, specific Mongolian features.

The paper completes the program analyzing the problem of preserving information traditions in the mesolithic cultures of Eurasia. It is devoted to deciphering of signs on the edges of a manufactured article made of horn, which was found in Siberia and had been used as an instrument, an «art object» and bearer of the calendar-astronomical «records». As a result, the author concludes that only one thing can be inferred: in cognition of astronomy and calendaristics the inhabitants of eastern parts of Eurasia did not yield in anything important to their contemporaries in Europe. Creators of the Holocene cultures of the whole continent preserved in full volume the intellectual potential of the previous epoch - the Palaeolithic. There was no interruption in information traditions. In the paper the numerical symbolic «records» executed on the edges of the «art object» are described in detail and then testified: along the right edge of the article (30+4+2 = 36 incisions) and along its left edge (12+1+6 or 7+2 = 21 or 22 incisions). As a result it became clear that priests of the Shilka-2 Site, situated in the valley of the Yenisei River (the Middle Siberia) and dated the initial stage of the Mesolith, watched not only synodic but also sidereal and, possibly, draconic time cycles. This fact allowed the author to suggest that the calendar systems of these priests were aimed at prediction (or calculation?) of the moments of possible advent of solar and lunar eclipses. The numerical «records» near the edges of the «art object» permitted to reconstruct the notation of the lunar and solar, as well as sidereal years. The lunar year was watched by means of the sixfold notation of two months cycles (30+29 = 59 days). The equalizing of the lunar year with the current of the solar time was executed after three lunar years by means of introduction into the calculating system of the intercalation, the additional time cycle with its duration equal to 34 days. The lunar-solar year was watched by means of tenfold notation of the numerical «record» 36. The «records» of numbers 4 (or 3) and 2 were intercalated to the cycle of 360 days which led to the border-line of the end of the leap-year or the ordinary solar year.

This study is devoted to description and analysis of the styles of the Middle Jōmon ceramics on island of Honshu. The work is based on the analysis of Japanese materials dealing with this topic. The study of ceramic production is key in understanding the particular features of the Jōmon culture. The Middle Jōmon has not been a random choice for examination: this is a period of peak development in the ornamental traditions, when along with the experience of previous periods, completely new types of patterns and techniques emerged and spread in the ornaments of the region. Starting from the northern territories of Honshu (the Tōhoku area) and ending with western prefectures (the Chugoku area), the author analyzes five most expressive ceramic styles. Each of these styles represents not just a unique phenomenon of art, but rather an ensemble of ornamental features of both preceding styles and of the adjacent stylystic zones. In each of the selected styles the author finds common features typical of the Jōmon culture along with some unique and previously unknown patterns. The Middle Jōmon period was chosen for the study due to the fact that it was a period of emergence of a completely new ornamental technique, unknown in this region - an application technique. The development of a new technique marked the appearance of new decoration patterns. For this stage of the Jōmon culture’s development among the typical ornamental motives were anthropomorphic, zoomorphic and amorphic images. Various reliefs imitating human faces, animals, birds and at times flame were widespread. Having passed all stages of development, the ornamental technique of Middle Jōmon existed for only about a thousand years, without leaving any heritage for the following generations. It is still unclear why, after reaching its peak in the middle of Middle Jōmon during the existence of the Kaen style, the application technique gradually became obsolete.

The paper analyzes various forms of bone arrowheads found in the Ulugh Choltuh grave field (located on the Edigan River in the Altai Mountains) during the excavations carried out by South Siberian team. The excavated graves belong to the Ayrydash type of Xiongnu - Xianbei period. The collection under consideration includes arrows with various shapes of blades and stems. Among the studied arrowheads some bone arrows with a bifurcated stem and a collar with a bone bead and holes are presented. Sources of the origin and distribution of bone arrowheads with bifurcated stems and collars with beads and holes are traced to nomadic cultures of Central Asia from the first millennium BC to the first half of the first millennium AD. The paper includes classification of bone arrowheads from Ulugh Choltuh based on formal features. In the studied collection arrows with bifurcated stems are of significant interest. Such arrowheads also could be of various shapes. Similar arrowheads spread in the Central Asian historical and cultural region during the period of Xiongnu state. Influenced by the Xiongnu tribes, such bone arrowheads with a bifurcated stem were borrowed by the ancient nomadic tribes of the Sayan-Altai Mountains. Xianbei tribes used similar arrows. In 1 millennium AD arrowheads with a bifurcated stem were also used by the ancient South Siberian nomads, who were influenced by the Central Asian military states. In the process of excavation in Ulug Choltuh along with the arrowheads with bifurcated stems some bone collared arrowheads with a whistling bead were found. Bone arrowheads rarely occur in ancient and medieval archeological localities of nomads in Central Asia and Eastern Siberia. Similar arrowheads were found in localities of Burhotuysk culture in Eastern Transbaikalia. The collection of arrowheads from Ulug Choltuh indicates significant originality of bone arrowheads found in the process of excavation of Ayrydash localities dated the second quarter of 1 millenium AD in the Altai Mountains. Bone arrowheads discussed in the article appeared to indicate cultural contacts between nomads from the middle Katun valley and ancient nomads from eastern regions of Central Asia. Further search for similar bone arrowheads is necessary to better understand the specifics of their development within the region under consideration.

The paper examines the practice of recruiting the Siberian aboriginal people in the economic system of the Russian state. The author considers these practices as political and juridical instruments of aborigines’ legalization as subjects of the Russian state in the late XVI - early XVIII centuries. Having scrutinized a large array of written sources of the XVII century the author proves that the imperial administration didn’t have the aim to use aboriginal labour resources on regular basis. On the contrary, the imperial administration tried to impose taxes (“yasak”) on the majority of indigenous people of Siberia in order to make them pay taxes in the form of precious furs that were in high demand in European markets. The tsarist government was always trying to maximize the number of yasak-payers. However, Russians used indigenous people of Siberia in some kinds of economic activities and sometimes resorted to them in emergency circumstances such as fires and floods. Aborigines used to cut wood, clean roads and waterways. They performed these tasks without any signs of resistance. However they reacted negatively when the authorities recruited them, for example, to work in the salt mines which can be explained by the fact that aborigines were taken away from their usual environment for such activities. Besides, the government often used the natives as guides to lay the routes and roads through the forests. Cossacks and natives sometimes were engaged in military conflicts during the Russian colonization of Siberia. As a result, captives from indigenous people became citizens of Siberian towns. Most captives were baptized and became slaves. Such captives (yasyri) became household servants, their owners actively involved the captives in agricultural work in their villages and homestead. Further life of such house-serfs among aboriginal people depended on a number of factors: the owners’ will, gender etc. But more often they merged with the peasant population of the agricultural region.

The article reviews the Mennonite community in the contemporary world including Mennonite communities in Russia. It also emphasizes tendencies and forms of transnational cooperation within the Mennonite community. According to the Mennonite world conference, which takes into account all the Anabaptist followers, world Mennonite community includes 1.7 million followers in 83 countries. Demographers register constant growth of the Mennonite followers due to their high birth rate in the developing countries, increasing life expectancy and migration. The Mennonite communities appeared in Russia in the XVIII century. The first Mennonites moved to Russia fr om Prussia in 1789 on invitation of the Russian government and settled the Khortytsia district of the Yekaterinoslav Governorate. Nowadays there are Mennonite communities in the southern parts of Russia, Orenburg and other regions. Most of them were formed in the wake of migrations in the late XIX - early XX centuries. Demographers note the constant Mennonite population increase due to a high rate of natural growth and migrations. There are several international Mennonite organizations aimed at creating a global community of Mennonites and mutual assistance. They act owing to the offertories gathered mainly by the American and Canadian communities; organize charity events in the developing countries of Africa, Asia, Latin America. In Russia they do not play such an active role. However there are some examples of foreign Mennonites’ charitable acts. For instance, in the 1990s in the village Neudachino in the Novosibirsk district representatives of the Central Mennonite Committee organized charity work for other Mennonites. This fact can be seen as an example of transnational cooperation. Mennonites are also characterized by a high migration activity lacking strong attachment to any state. High migration mobility is traditional for the Mennonites. They keep strong ties with members of other communities on a family and clan level. There is also a global confessional network which provides transnational cooperation. Modern Mennonites lead an active lifestyle including proselyte activities within the host regions wh ere they live and within the global Mennonite community in general. It can be assumed that religious characteristics and specific lifestyle of Mennonites were the main factors of the Mennonite community’s consolidation.

This article characterizes the Khakass folk medicine. The traditional Khakass infirmarian practices were first described in the XIX - early XX centuries. The Khakass had not created any systematic description of infirmarian traditions whereas this category of sacral people played an important role in their mytho-ritual and healing practices. The paper is based on the previously unpublished field data. It presents classification and characteristics of main categories of infirmarians in the traditional Khakas culture. In Khakas language the word “imchi (имчi/имчiл)” - healer, infirmarian, medicine-man derives from the word “im (им)” - medication. Popularly the infirmarians are called “piligchi (пiлiгчи)” - aware, or “nime pilir (ниме пiлiр) - the one who knows, or “pilchen kizi (пiлчен кiзi)” - a man who knows, or sometimes “imchil kizi (имчiл кiзi) - infirmarian man. Based on the field data the author concludes that traditionally infirmarians, unlike shamans, didn’t have a “shaman disease” and didn’t receive initiation from mountain spirits. They didn’t have subordinate “teseys” - helping spirits. However shamans would sometimes discover infirmarians and introduce them to mountain spirits. Infirmarian was an inherited profession contemplating initiation. Prior to healing they would necessarily appeal to the ancestors’ spirits. The Khakas distinguish different categories of infirmarians: specialists in medicinal herbs and medical potions; midwives; specialists in reducing abdomen, setting a bone, casting a spell on stye; experts on healing with the warmth of their hands etc. The author tells personal stories of the best known infirmarians in Khakass region, describes their tools set and recipes, especially the traditional healing practices of the Khakass infirmarians which combined rational and magical aspects. In conclusion the author comes to the point that in the context of social transformations ongoing in the modern Khakassia the old rites and healing practices are being reduced and simplified.

The paper examines the phenomenon of symbolic gift exchange in the traditional wedding practice of the Turko-Mongol peoples of Central Asia (northern and southern Altai people, Khakas people, Buryats, Yakuts, Kazakhs). The author undertakes examination of the ritual use of female adornments. She maintains that women’s adornments were connected with a complex system of exchanges accentuating the establishment of relations of different levels - from personal relationships to relationships between newlyweds of the united families and kins. In the traditional society marriage was considered as ritual of public order, so its preparation and accomplishment involved relatives of both genders. It included the exchange’ rituals and obtainment of decorations as gifts. During such ritual actions people used almost all components of the traditional set of ornaments for women set - earrings, plait and breast adornments, rings, bracelets, belts and beads and silver coins. The participants of the weddings made use of gifts not only as a ransom, but as a designation of transition to the next socio-age group. Semantic meaning of ornaments was significant in ritual exchange: earrings designated a married woman, rings and plait ornaments were associated with unification of both kins, rings and beads symbolized the future children, silver was a sign of prosperous marriage. Besides, ornaments had auspicious, protective and reproductive meaning, served as embodiment of female beauty, health and wellness. Not only the bride and groom and their families, but all of the guests could participate in the wedding rituals connected with adornments. Young unmarried girls played an especially active role in these ritual activities. They perceived a “reproductive” magic of adornments. The ritual of jewelry offerings process was a part of reciprocal gift exchange of two kins united in a new family. It accompanied and represented the basic exchange - the bride’s transfer from one kin to another.

The paper deals with characteristics of modern cuisine of Tatars in Kazakhstan. According to 2009 census, 204,229 Tatars live in Kazakhstan. The authors emphasize that the modern Tatar community in Kazakhstan is a conglomeration of different groups, formed as a result of intensive migration. In the 1950-1960s in the southern and south-eastern parts of Kazakhstan a group of so-called “Chinese” Tatars was formed. In the 1950s they were repatriated to the Soviet Union from the People’s Republic of China. During Civil War Tatars left Russia. After having spent three decades in China, they, in their own opinion, acquired special identity and certain cultural distinctions, including their cuisine. Traditions of this and other groups are described in the article. Taking the cuisine traditions and innovations as an example, the authors identify the main tendencies of ethno-cultural development of Kazakhstan’s ethnic minorities. Special attention is paid to cultural borrowings from abroad. The paper attempts at identifying the most important functions of the ethnic cuisine in a multiethnic community of Kazakhstan at the beginning of XXI century. During the research the authors came to general conclusion that the modern cuisine of Tatars in Kazakhstan is the result of their adaptation to different environmental conditions and ethno-cultural situation in the republic. Such adaptation determined variability of meals of Tatar population compared to the traditions of the majority of Tatars outside the territory of Kazakhstan. Neighboring cultures greatly influenced the specifics of the cuisine of Tatars in Kazakhstan. Despite all innovations cuisine of Tatars of Kazakhstan remains the most stable element of their culture. Specifics of traditional cuisine are often considered as markers of ethnic, religious and local identity.

The article addresses a problem of formation of ethnic and national identity among the native peoples of Altai. This research is based on the original materials of central and regional media, archival records as well as folkloric data. The authors analyzed ethno-political discourse during the Soviet period of history; reviewed the process of Altai people’s collective memory formation and identity structuring under the Soviet regime. They especially focused on processing the folklore texts interpreting the revolutionary events and sociopolitical changes in the region. Based on careful analysis of Soviet ethnopolitical discourse they specified the following ideologemes: victim’s motive; colonization paradigm in the relationships between the native Turkic speaking people and Russian government; focus on the class stratification within this ethnic group; criticism of the clan system of Altai people and traditional forms of economic management; images of family; Soviet ethnic cohesion; creating images of political leaders with the help of folklore themes. The authors come to conclusion that official media in the 1930s constituted the break with ethnic past, traditions, and traditional ethnic institutes. People/’s solidarity based on social and class principles became the main function of the Soviet normative social culture. It was a cultural paradigm shift: there was a focus on a “new” man, who was not connected with the past, looked to the future and in fact did not have any ethnic roots. The idea of a working nation became one of the main categories used in the description of revolution and civil war period. In consideration of different spheres of life (including the folklore and historical past) people/s productive activities come to the fore. The new reality was formed, including the images of the past.

Based on the archival and field materials and on the published data the present article describes complex of traditional mythological beliefs of Khakasses in regard to such historical and cultural monuments as mounds. The most important structure-forming element of these ancient burial structures is stone. It is a natural and integral part of the environment. Accessibility and specific properties of the stone contributed to the fact that it easily became part of life аnd culture of the Khakass people. While using and processing the stone humans could utilize their creative and intellectual potential. The stone and its image in the worldview of Khakasses is endowed with a wide semantic field. It reflects all stages of human life and accompanies man fr om his birth to death. It was believed that the stone was an integral part of human life; that it predetermined births and new lives while deaths are still marked with gravestones. Stone often acts as a common magic item. In the Khakass culture it is perceived as a sacral object - an embodiment and translator of sacred forces of nature. The stone was connected with a complex of archaic representations such as cults of mountains; worshipping spirits - masters of certain places; honoring the ancestors. People believed that patronage of the stone idols ensured fertility, prosperity and success in the lives of local people. In this connection, the people worshiped both the stone and the place wh ere it was located, deifying the whole sacral area. In mythological consciousness of Khakasses mounds were firmly linked with images of their legendary ancestors.

The theme of the article concerns the history of journalism and sociocultural history. It considers how the magazine “Siberian Echoes” and newspaper “Mail and Telegraph”covered the questions connected with preparation for the First State Duma’s elections and early activities. “Siberian Echoes” was a weekly illustrated political, public and literary magazine published in Tomsk. “Mail and Telegraph” was the first newspaper in the Minusinsk district of the Yenisei province. The weekly was some kind of compromise between two former main types of journalism: daily newspapers and thick monthly magazines. It added quick response on topical subjects, which was typical for the newspaper. The form of representation of materials in “Siberian Echoes” to readers was extremely close to that of newspaper. Such proximity was revealed by the author based on the overall review of publications in both periodicals (“Siberian Echoes” and “Mail and Telegraph”), especially in regard to materials discussing political questions relevant for contemporaries. These editions were pulled together also by a position of their editors-publishers V.A. Dolgorukov and V. V. Fedorov. The author analyzes the newspaper and magazine correspondence devoted to the State Duma, representing a position of voters and the authorities. Correspondence of these editions demonstrated what importance was attached by the Siberian community to the State Duma and participation of peasants in the election campaign. It also proved the conclusion that at the beginning of the XX century the periodical press turned into a powerful mouthpiece for the public moods of the most broad masses of population.

The aim of this article is to characterize the mass funerals of «Kolchak victims» in the provincial cities of Western Siberia (Omsk, Novonikolaevsk, Tomsk and Barnaul) as the commemorations - the ways of forming collective memory of Siberians in regard to the Civil War. The study broadens the idea of ​​Soviet policy in relation to historical past, trends of creating the collective memory of Russians in the first third of the XX century as well as the memory culture of the period under study. Funerals as well as other commemorations were used by the authorities for conscious transmission of ideologically significant information to contemporaries and descendants through the perpetuation of the memory about certain persons and events. It is underlined that the form of this funeral resembled a traditional Orthodox funeral of Romanov’s Imperial family members, politicians and other famous people. However, some symbols which had a revolutionary significance were used at such funerals. Some traditional elements of the ritual were replaced by the elements typical for «red funerals»: red banners and flags were used instead of icons, civil rally was held instead of religious memorial services, revolutionary songs were heard instead of prayers. The author also pays attention to the emotional background of the funeral, the problem of moral feelings, which, in Bolsheviks’ opinion, the ordinary people had to have. The article explains ideological significance of the “red funeral” ritual, its role in the Bolshevik memory policy, which assumed a certain vision of the events of Civil War. The author concludes that funerals were aimed at discrediting the regime of A. Kolchak in the social opinion, exaggerating the heroism of the people killed by the Kolchak army, at the political socialization of population and legitimization of authorities.

The article contains some excerpts from a Tsentrosoyuz (Central Union of Consumer Cooperatives) board member K. G. Petunin’s reporting notice published for the first time. The notice deals with German co-operation experience that could be applied for the development of the Soviet trade system and for improvement of the cooperative system management. The notice was prepared regarding the results of Tsentrosoyuz delegation’s trip to Germany in 1928. The original document is dated April, 4l and retained in Russian State Archive of the Economy in the fund 484 of Tsentrosoyuz. As a delegation head K.G. Petunin was a talented organizer of cooperative trade and began his management career in the Siberian Union of Cooperative Unions (Zakupsbyt) as early as before the revolution. After the Civil war he saved his managerial status as a collegium member of administrators of Tsentrosoyuz Siberian Branch. He was promoted for a managerial position in Moscow in 1922, and until 1930 served as a member of Tsentrosoyuz board taking charge of financial department. As an employee with pre-revolutionary experience he possessed market instruments of economy management and tried to restore the role of consumer cooperation in the commodity circulation system to the full extent under the NEP conditions. He suggested methods of trade improvement focused on meeting the consumer needs, using German principles and methods of cooperative management, modernization of staff training and retraining system aimed at practical skills’ acquisition. Special emphasis was placed upon resource base strengthening and confining it to solving aims and tasks of consumer cooperation, task sharing in the governance bodies, rigorous scheduling of decision-making and execution procedures, combination of principles of independence and responsibility of staff within their functions.

The article analyzes projects of organization of agrarian resettlement and colonization of the region prepared in the latter half of 1920s: “The Perspective Plan of Rural Economy Development of Siberian Krai” (1926), “Masterplan of Siberian Krai Colonization” (1927), “Five-Year Plan of Transmigratory Development in Siberia” (1928), “Five-Year Plan of Transmigratory Work in Siberian Krai” (1929). The authors of pluriannual plans developed in 1926-1927 proceeded fr om the assumption that the colonization potential of southern steppe areas as well as forest-steppe regions of Siberia had been already used up. The main destination of the incoming migrants was the southern part of taiga zone. It was planned to develop the taiga areas based on the method of consequent movement from the regions adjacent to the transport routs to the remote areas. The peasant settlers’ households were mostly involved in timber processing and stock-raising. Five-year resettlement plans of the late 1920s were made under the conditions of accelerated industrialization and collectivization. Quantitative indicators of resettlement increased. Agricultural resettlement was connected with the new industrial and railway construction. The main migration flows were concentrated in the regions wh ere large manufacturing and transport projects were implemented. The in-migrants should have created dependable food economy for the new industrial centres and provided additional labour resources for them as well. In-migration of self-employed farmers stopped. Kolkhozes became the main organizational-manufacturing structure of transmigratory households. For agrarian colonization there should have been used not only the lands in taiga regions, but also surpluses of agricultural lands confiscated from the long-term residents in the habitable parts of the region. Significant parts of colonization fund were given to the newly created kolkhozes.

The paper analyzes living conditions of the “distinguished people” of the industrial enterprises in Western Siberia in the mid-1930s in relation to their work activities. As sources of information the author used the results of surveys carried out by trade-union committees in order to estimate social and living conditions of Stakhanovists, “Udarniks” (“strike workers”) and “Exemplary workers”. He also refers to the data from a journal article propagating standards of the Soviet workers welfare. Having analyzed these data the author reveals features of propagandized moral, ethical and professional identity of an exemplary Soviet worker, as well as the level of material and living conditions of the “distinguished people”. It is noted that the above mentioned article was focused on revealing how the “exemplary worker’s” production and social activities eventually determined his and his family’s standards of living. Such publications had a purely applied character because a broad coverage of such positive examples in the Soviet periodical press played an important role in formation of labor motivation of the Soviet working people. The author analyzes the results of surveys of the “distinguished workers” and their families’ material and living conditions; reveals differences in their material maintenance as compared to employees of other industries, finds out reasons for such diversity. Based on comparison of an ideal and real material maintenance of “the distinguished people”, the author reconstructed the actual level of their living conditions and also demonstrated which level of maintenance was perceived as “acceptable” by the employees. The revealed components of material maintenance of the best employees indicated their high social status in the then existing hierarchy, which in some way or other influenced the living standards of certain groups of employees.

The author addresses this issue in order to better understand the nature of the Soviet agrarian system, to reveal its advantages and disadvantages, which is crucial for studying the contemporary problems of development of agriculture in Russia. In the middle of the XX century kolkhozes were the basic organizational form of the Soviet agriculture. The first post-Stalin decade became the time of noticeable changes due to the measures aimed at the agrarian development acceleration. According to the Soviet political leaders who had taken charge of the country after Stalin’s death, one of the most important factors which rendered the development of agriculture was the lack of collective farmers’ motivation to work in the fields and on the farms determined by repressive retaliatory politics, bondage and low farms’ profitability. Having solved the problem of making the farmers work in kolkhozes more efficient without any repressions, the leader of the Soviet state N.S. Khrushchev tried to rely on the mutually antithetic sources of labour energy - both the material incentive and patriotic enthusiasm. The concrete historical data used in the article was taken from the archival records and library funds of Western Siberia. It allows concluding that neither material incentive nor patriotic enthusiasm could improve standards of the kolkhoz economy. Owing to the agrarian “de-Stalinization” the most important functions of the kolkhoz system - peasants’ labour mobilization for the sake of the common good along with the observance of the principle of social equity in distribution of incomes - were no longer carried out to the full. Work discipline started to decline, all symptoms of collective farm demobilization became obvious. Under these circumstances the leaders sent from the urban centers to rural areas in order to inspire the peasants to work more efficiently did not entirely perform their mission. Regional authorities often complained about inefficient expenditure of wages funds by the kolkhoz administrations.

Based on the materials of Western Siberia the article analyzes the reasons, progress and results of the campaign on limiting the domestic food consumption in collective and state farms in the middle of 1970s - early 1980s. The growthrate slowdown in the 1970s along with the crisis in the rural sector at the beginning of 1980s caused food shortage. Under such conditions farm units sold more foods to their workers and increased wages in kind, that led to a considerable exceedance of fixed limits. According to the then existing state procurement policy the planning agencies fixed the amount of food supplies that could be used for the internal needs. When these rules were violated the party and economic bodies had to severe the administrative measures aimed at limitation on the domestic consumption and preservation of the amount of state purchases in order to maintain the necessary food balance. The author draws a conclusion that this campaign was an illustrative example how the Soviet administrative-command system acted in regard to agriculture. This campaign was carried out through administrative pressure on the farm directors by making them responsible before the Communist Party for their financial activities. It allowed only limited amount of agricultural products to be released for intrafarm needs and catering and foresaw inspections on the part of control organizations. Instead of stimulating the crop and livestock production the activity of the party and economic bodies was directed to organization of regulatory compliance control over the actual production and expenditures in the state and collective farms.

The aim of this article is to study the process of urban society development as exemplified by leisure practices of Tyumen citizens in 1964-1985 within anthropologically oriented approach. The work is based on archival sources, statistical materials, periodical press, as well as on recollections. The author describes evolution of the urbanites’ leisure activities in Tyumen, notes their growing interest towards mass media, new opportunities for travel. Moreover, in 1964-1985 residents of Tyumen had peculiar perception of the urban sphere of leisure, that was often associated with the phenomenon of provincialism in Tyumen and underdeveloped spheres of culture and leisure activities. As a rule, the city-dwellers demanded from this spheres much more than in the previous decades. The author comes to the conclusion that a wider range of leisure activities of Tyumen residents was connected with the important changes in the socio-economic sphere: people had more time out of duty; their material well-being and educational level increased; the material recourse base of cultural institutes improved. Leisure activities of people in Tyumen were strongly connected with changes in mass consciousness which was formed on a basis of new comparative associations and rapid development of the city as a large administrative and intellectual center of the West Siberian Oil and Gas Complex. All this triggered formation of a new type of personality which is potentially capable to master the diversity of the world and can become a part of a complex system of public relations.